Název: Towards a chronology of the modal particles : the diachronic spread in the Ancient Greek mood system
Zdrojový dokument: Graeco-Latina Brunensia. 2022, roč. 27, č. 2, s. 113-135
Rozsah
113-135
-
ISSN1803-7402 (print)2336-4424 (online)
Trvalý odkaz (DOI): https://doi.org/10.5817/GLB2022-2-8
Trvalý odkaz (handle): https://hdl.handle.net/11222.digilib/digilib.77373
Type: Článek
Jazyk
Licence: CC BY-SA 4.0 International
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Abstrakt(y)
Research on the modal particles in Ancient Greek has mostly focused on speculations on their prehistory based on Homeric Greek or generalizing about their synchronic distributions (esp. in Classical Greek). Instead, this article details the diachronic spread of the modal particles in different modal constructions from Archaic to Classical Greek. It highlights those cases where its obligatory presence resulted in a different modal meaning (e.g. counterfactual and habitual usages) and critically discusses those cases of optional presence in Archaic and Classical Greek that prescriptivist grammarians have discouraged (e.g. with the future indicative and potential optative). Focusing on innovations allows us to (re)construct a chronology of the modal particles and their diachronic role in the Ancient Greek mood system, e.g. the replacement of the counterfactual optative by the indicative and its subsequent syntactic spread, and the creation of the past habitual and generic indicative replacing the habitual and generic optative (commonly dubbed 'iterative'). Finally, it is suggested that a similar diachronic approach which distinguishes between obligatory and optional presence could clarify the distribution of the modal particles in more complex areas such as Homeric Greek or the Ancient Greek dialects.
Reference
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[37] Kuteva, T., Aarts, B., Poppova, G., & Abbi, A. (2019). The grammar of "non-realization". Studies in Language, 43(4), 850–895.
[38] Lehmann, C. (1989). Latin subordination in typological perspective. In G. Calboli (Ed.), Subordination and other topics in Latin (pp. 153–179). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.
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[40] Miller, D. G. (2014). Ancient Greek dialects and early authors: introduction to the dialect mixture in Homer, with notes on lyric and Herodotus. Berlin – Boston: De Gruyter.
[41] Monro, D. B. (1891). A Grammar of the Homeric Dialect. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
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[46] Napoli, M. (2013). Attraction (Mood, Case etc.). In G. Giannakis, V. Bubenik, E. Crespo, Ch. Golston, A. Lianeri, S. Luraghi, & S. Matthaios (Eds.), Encyclopedia of Ancient Greek Language and Linguistics (Vol. 1; pp. 208–215). Leiden – Boston: Brill.
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[52] la Roi, E. (2020a). Habitual auxiliaries in Ancient Greek: Grammaticalization and diachronic collocation shifts. Indogermanische Forschungen, 125(1), 135–164.
[53] la Roi, E. (2020b). The Variation of Classical Greek Wishes: A Functional Discourse Grammar and Common Ground Approach. Glotta, 96(1), 213–245.
[54] la Roi, E. (2021). The insubordination of if- and that-clauses from Archaic to Post-Classical Greek: a diachronic constructional typology. Symbolae Osloenses, 95, 2–64.
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[56] la Roi, E. (2022b). Down the Paths to the Past Habitual: its historical connections with counterfactual pasts, future in the pasts, iteratives and lexical sources in Ancient Greek. Folia Linguistica Historica [online available at https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2022-2042; accessed 22.11.2022].
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[58] la Roi, E. (forthcoming b). A pragmatic syntax of counterfactual mood attraction and mood (a) symmetry from Archaic to Classical Greek. In C. Denizot, & L. Tronci (Eds.), Building Modality with Syntax: Focus on Ancient Greek. Berlin – Boston: De Gruyter.
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[60] Ruijgh, C. J. (1992). L'emploi le plus ancient et les emplois plus récents de la particule κε/ἄν. In F. Létoublon (Ed.), La Langue et Les Textes en Grec Ancien. Actes du Colloque Pierre Chantraine, Grenoble, 5–8 September 1989 (pp. 75–88). Amsterdam: Gieben.
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[62] Scheppers, F. (2011). The colon hypothesis: word order, discourse segmentation and discourse coherence in ancient Greek. Brussels: VUB Press.
[63] Schwyzer, E., & Debrunner, A. (1950). Griechische Grammatik, 2: Syntax und syntaktische Stilistik. München: Beck.
[64] Slotty, F. (1915). Der Gebrauch des Konjunktivs und Optativs in den griechischen Dialekten. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.
[65] Smyth, H. W., & Messing, G. M. (1968). A Greek grammar (5th print). Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press.
[66] Stahl, J. M. (1833–1916; 1907). Kritisch-historische Syntax des griechischen Verbums der klassischen Zeit. Heidelberg: Winter.
[67] Turner, N. (1963). A grammar of New Testament Greek: Syntax. Edinburgh: Clark.
[68] Van Emde Boas, E., Rijksbaron, A., Huitink, L., & de Bakker, M. (2019). Cambridge grammar of classical Greek. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[69] Wakker, G. C. (1994). Conditions and conditionals: an investigation of ancient Greek. Amsterdam: Gieben.
[70] Wakker, G. C. (2006a). Le passé non-réalisé chez Euripide. In J. L. Breuil, C. Cusset, F. Garambois, N. Palimieri, E. Perrin-Saminadayar et al. (Eds.), En koinoniai pasa filia. Mélanges offerts à Bernard Jacquinod (pp. 293–313). St.-Étienne: Centre Jean Palerne.
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[72] Wakker, G. C. (2013). Conditionals. In Encyclopedia of Ancient Greek Language and Linguistics. Leiden: Brill.
[73] Wathelet, P. (1997). Les particules κε(ν) et ἄν dans les formules de l'épopée homérique. In A. Rijksbaron (Ed.), New Approaches to Greek Particles. Leiden: Brill.
[74] Willmott, J. (2007). The moods of Homeric Greek. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[75] Yong, Q. (2018). Pathways of Counterfactual Markings: A Diachronic Typology. International Journal of English Linguistics, 8(2), 180–198.
[76] Zingg, E. (2017). Futur nach ἄν bei Isokrates. Glotta - Zeitschrift fur Griechische und Lateinische Sprache, 93(1), 290–319.
[2] Allan, R. J. (2015). Classifying the Ancient Greek particles. Particle meaning, diachrony and the layered structure of discourse. Paper presented at The International Colloquium of Ancient Greek Linguistics, Rome 2015.
[3] Allan, R. J. (2019). Aspect and construal. A cognitive linguistic approach to iterativity, habituality and genericity in Greek. In E. Mocciaro, & W. M. Short (Eds.), Toward a Cognitive Classical Linguistics (pp. 16–41). Berlin: De Gruyter.
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[5] Basset, L. (1989). La syntaxe de l'imaginaire: étude des modes et des négations dans l'Iliade et l'Odyssée. Lyon: Maison de l'Orient.
[6] Bechtel, F. (1921). Die griechischen Dialekte. Berlin: Weidmann.
[7] Beck, J. E., Malamud, S. A., & Osadcha, I. (2012). A semantics for the particle ἄν in and outside conditionals in Classical Greek. Journal of Greek Linguistics, 12(1), 51–83.
[8] van Beek, L. (2018). Ἄτλας ἀστεμφής: Traces of local particles in Greek compounds and the origins of intensive alpha. Glotta, 94(1), 38–81.
[9] Bentein, K. (2016). Verbal Periphrasis in Ancient Greek: Have- and Be- Constructions. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
[10] Bers, V. (1984). Greek poetic syntax in the Classical Age. New Haven [Conn.]: Yale University Press.
[11] Bertinetto, P. M., & Delfitto, D. (2000). Aspect vs. Actionality: Why they should be kept apart. In Ö. Dahl (Ed.), Tense and Aspect in the Languages of Europe (pp. 189–226). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
[12] Bybee, J. L., Perkins, R. D., & Pagliuca, W. (1994). The evolution of grammar: tense, aspect, and modality in the languages of the world. Chicago (Ill.): University of Chicago Press.
[13] Chantraine, P. (1953). Grammaire Homerique, 2: Syntaxe. Paris: Klincksieck.
[14] Colvin, S. (2016). The modal particle in Greek. The Cambridge Classical Journal, 62, 65–84.
[15] Comrie, B. (1976). Aspect: an introduction to the study of verbal aspects and related problems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[16] Crespo, E. (1984). Infinitivo modal sin ἄν en Griego. Estudios Clásicos, 26, 67–74.
[17] Crespo, E., Conti, L., & Maquieira, H. (2003). Sintaxis del griego clásico. Madrid: Gredos.
[18] Cristofaro, S. (2003). Subordination. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
[19] Dahl, Ö. (1997). The relation between past time reference and counterfactuality: A new look. In E. C. Traugott et al. (Eds.), On Conditionals Again (pp. 97–114). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[20] De Decker, F. (2015). A morphosyntactic analysis of speech introductions and conclusions in Homer. Unpublished diss., Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich.
[21] De Decker, F. (2021a). A Look at an Alleged Morpho-syntactic Isogloss between Greek and Anatolian: The Modal Particle in Epic Greek. In F. Giusfredi, & Z. Simon (Eds.), Studies in the languages and language contact in Pre-Hellenistic Anatolia (pp. 101–189). Barcelona: Edicions Universitat Barcelona.
[22] De Decker, F. (2021b). An Analysis of the Modal Particle in Iliad 24, Part 1: Etymology and Formal Analysis. Journal of Indo-European Studies, 49(3 & 4), 317–379.
[23] Declerck, R., & Reed, S. (2001). Conditionals: a comprehensive empirical analysis. Berlin: De Gruyter.
[24] Forbes, K. (1958). The relations of the particle ἄν with κε(ν) κα καν. Glotta, 37, 179–182.
[25] García Ramón, J. L. (2017). Ancient Greek Dialectology: Old and New Questions, Recent Developments. In G. Giannakis, E. Crespo, & P. Filos (Eds.), Studies in Ancient Greek Dialects (pp. 29–106). Berlin: De Gruyter.
[26] Gerö, E. (2000). The usage of ἄν and κε in Ancient Greek: Towards a unified description. Glotta, 76, 177–191.
[27] Goldstein, D. M. (2013). Iterated modal marking and polarity focus in Ancient Greek. Transactions of the Philological Society, 111(3), 354–378.
[28] Goldstein, D. M. (2016). Classical Greek syntax: Wackernagel's law in Herodotus. Leiden – Boston: Brill.
[29] Goodwin, W. W. (1889). Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of the Greek Verb. New York: Macmillan & Co.
[30] Goodwin, W. W. (1890). On Some Disputed Points in the Construction of ἔδει, χρην, etc. with the Infinitive. Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 1, pp. 77–88.
[31] Hackstein, O. (2010). The Greek of Epic. In E. J. Bakker (Ed.), A Companion to the Ancient Greek Language (pp. 401–423). Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell.
[32] Hettrich, H. (1998). Die Entstehung des homerischen Irrealis der Vergangenheit. In J. Jasanoff, C. Melchert, & L. Oliver (Eds.), Mír curad. Studies in Honor of Calvert Watkins (pp. 261–270). Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.
[33] Karawani, H. (2014). The real, the fake, and the fake fake in counterfactual conditionals, crosslinguistically. Utrecht: LOT.
[34] Krifka, M. et al. (1995). Genericity: an Introduction. In G. Carlson, & F. J. Pelletier (Eds.), The Generic Book (pp. 1–124). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
[35] Kühner, R., & Gerth, B. (1898). Ausführliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache, 2: Satzlehre (Vol. 1). Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung.
[36] Kuteva, T. (1998). On Identifying an Evasive Gram: Action Narrowly Averted. Studies in Language, 22(1), 113–160.
[37] Kuteva, T., Aarts, B., Poppova, G., & Abbi, A. (2019). The grammar of "non-realization". Studies in Language, 43(4), 850–895.
[38] Lehmann, C. (1989). Latin subordination in typological perspective. In G. Calboli (Ed.), Subordination and other topics in Latin (pp. 153–179). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.
[39] Mandilaras, B. G. (1973). The verb in the Greek non-literary papyri. Athens: Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sciences.
[40] Miller, D. G. (2014). Ancient Greek dialects and early authors: introduction to the dialect mixture in Homer, with notes on lyric and Herodotus. Berlin – Boston: De Gruyter.
[41] Monro, D. B. (1891). A Grammar of the Homeric Dialect. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
[42] Moorhouse, A. C. (1946). Ἄν with the future. Classical Quarterly, 40(1), 1–10.
[43] Moorhouse, A. C. (1982). Syntax of Sophocles. Leiden: Brill.
[44] Muraoka, T. (2016). A syntax of Septuagint Greek. Leuven: Bristol.
[45] Napoli, M. (2006). Aspect and Actionality in Homeric Greek: a contrastive analysis. Milan: Franco Angeli.
[46] Napoli, M. (2013). Attraction (Mood, Case etc.). In G. Giannakis, V. Bubenik, E. Crespo, Ch. Golston, A. Lianeri, S. Luraghi, & S. Matthaios (Eds.), Encyclopedia of Ancient Greek Language and Linguistics (Vol. 1; pp. 208–215). Leiden – Boston: Brill.
[47] Palmer, F. R. (2001). Mood and modality (2nd ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[48] Probert, P. (2015). Early Greek relative clauses. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
[49] Raeder, H. (1953). Ein Problem in griechischer Syntax. Die Verbindung der Partikel ἄν mit Futurum. Copenhagen: E. Munksgaard.
[50] Rijksbaron, A. (2006). The syntax and semantics of the verb in classical Greek: an introduction (3rd ed.). Chicago (Ill.): University of Chicago Press.
[51] la Roi, E. (2019). Epistemic modality, particles and the potential optative in Classical Greek. Journal of Greek Linguistics, 19(1), 58–89.
[52] la Roi, E. (2020a). Habitual auxiliaries in Ancient Greek: Grammaticalization and diachronic collocation shifts. Indogermanische Forschungen, 125(1), 135–164.
[53] la Roi, E. (2020b). The Variation of Classical Greek Wishes: A Functional Discourse Grammar and Common Ground Approach. Glotta, 96(1), 213–245.
[54] la Roi, E. (2021). The insubordination of if- and that-clauses from Archaic to Post-Classical Greek: a diachronic constructional typology. Symbolae Osloenses, 95, 2–64.
[55] la Roi, E. (2022a). Interlocking life-cycles of counterfactual mood from Archaic to Classical Greek: Between Aspect and Changing Temporal Reference. Indogermanische Forschungen, 127, 235–282.
[56] la Roi, E. (2022b). Down the Paths to the Past Habitual: its historical connections with counterfactual pasts, future in the pasts, iteratives and lexical sources in Ancient Greek. Folia Linguistica Historica [online available at https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2022-2042; accessed 22.11.2022].
[57] la Roi, E. (forthcoming a). Polarity Reversal Constructions and Counterfactuals in Ancient Greek: Between Implicature and Conventionalization. Journal of Historical Linguistics.
[58] la Roi, E. (forthcoming b). A pragmatic syntax of counterfactual mood attraction and mood (a) symmetry from Archaic to Classical Greek. In C. Denizot, & L. Tronci (Eds.), Building Modality with Syntax: Focus on Ancient Greek. Berlin – Boston: De Gruyter.
[59] Ruijgh, C. J. (1971). Autour de ‘te épique'. Amsterdam: Hakkert.
[60] Ruijgh, C. J. (1992). L'emploi le plus ancient et les emplois plus récents de la particule κε/ἄν. In F. Létoublon (Ed.), La Langue et Les Textes en Grec Ancien. Actes du Colloque Pierre Chantraine, Grenoble, 5–8 September 1989 (pp. 75–88). Amsterdam: Gieben.
[61] Ruiz Yamuza, E. (2008). Tres verbos que significan ‘deber' en Griego Antiguo. Zaragoza: Libros Portico.
[62] Scheppers, F. (2011). The colon hypothesis: word order, discourse segmentation and discourse coherence in ancient Greek. Brussels: VUB Press.
[63] Schwyzer, E., & Debrunner, A. (1950). Griechische Grammatik, 2: Syntax und syntaktische Stilistik. München: Beck.
[64] Slotty, F. (1915). Der Gebrauch des Konjunktivs und Optativs in den griechischen Dialekten. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.
[65] Smyth, H. W., & Messing, G. M. (1968). A Greek grammar (5th print). Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press.
[66] Stahl, J. M. (1833–1916; 1907). Kritisch-historische Syntax des griechischen Verbums der klassischen Zeit. Heidelberg: Winter.
[67] Turner, N. (1963). A grammar of New Testament Greek: Syntax. Edinburgh: Clark.
[68] Van Emde Boas, E., Rijksbaron, A., Huitink, L., & de Bakker, M. (2019). Cambridge grammar of classical Greek. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[69] Wakker, G. C. (1994). Conditions and conditionals: an investigation of ancient Greek. Amsterdam: Gieben.
[70] Wakker, G. C. (2006a). Le passé non-réalisé chez Euripide. In J. L. Breuil, C. Cusset, F. Garambois, N. Palimieri, E. Perrin-Saminadayar et al. (Eds.), En koinoniai pasa filia. Mélanges offerts à Bernard Jacquinod (pp. 293–313). St.-Étienne: Centre Jean Palerne.
[71] Wakker, G. C. (2006b). "You Could Have Thought": Past Potentials in Sophocles. In A. Rijksbaron, & I. de Jong (Eds.), Sophocles and the Greek Language (pp. 163–180). Leiden: Brill.
[72] Wakker, G. C. (2013). Conditionals. In Encyclopedia of Ancient Greek Language and Linguistics. Leiden: Brill.
[73] Wathelet, P. (1997). Les particules κε(ν) et ἄν dans les formules de l'épopée homérique. In A. Rijksbaron (Ed.), New Approaches to Greek Particles. Leiden: Brill.
[74] Willmott, J. (2007). The moods of Homeric Greek. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[75] Yong, Q. (2018). Pathways of Counterfactual Markings: A Diachronic Typology. International Journal of English Linguistics, 8(2), 180–198.
[76] Zingg, E. (2017). Futur nach ἄν bei Isokrates. Glotta - Zeitschrift fur Griechische und Lateinische Sprache, 93(1), 290–319.