Title: Structures strophiques dans la poésie épigraphique de l'Italie ancienne: inscription latine archaïque du duenos (CIL I2 4), épitaphe pélignienne de la pristafalacirix (ST Pg 9, Corfinium)
Variant title:
- Strophic structures in the epigraphical poetry of Ancient Italy: Archaic Latin duenos inscription (CIL I2 4), Paelignian pristafalacirix epitaph (ST Pg 9, Corfinium)
Source document: Graeco-Latina Brunensia. 2017, vol. 22, iss. 1, pp. 147-163
Extent
147-163
-
ISSN1803-7402 (print)2336-4424 (online)
Persistent identifier (DOI): https://doi.org/10.5817/GLB2017-1-13
Stable URL (handle): https://hdl.handle.net/11222.digilib/136471
Type: Article
License: Not specified license
Notice: These citations are automatically created and might not follow citation rules properly.
Abstract(s)
Recent advances in our understanding of the Paelignian inscription ST Pg 9 make it worthwhile to reconsider the metrical structure of the text. We test the validity of the accentual framework. Whereas Sabellian words are normally accented on their first (leftmost) syllables, we contend that the anaptyxis that is displayed in the penultimate syllables by the two words which end in -ácirix implies an internal accent on the syllable preceding the heavy suffix */krīk/. A hitherto unnoticed parallel to this putative accentual movement in the Paelignian derivatives is furnished by the Umbrian nouns kumnahkle, mantrahklu, feřehtru, in which the "heavy" suffixes /klV/ or /trV/ have caused the accent to be shifted forward to the presuffixal vowel, as is demonstrated by the spellings eh, ah denoting vowel length (which was preserved under the accent). It may also be possible to adduce some arguments supporting an accentuation of the type praistákla in South Picene, in which the presuffixal vowel may have attracted the accent. We suggest that the accent was transferred to the presuffixal syllable of the two -cirix-words due to Umbrian and/or South Picene influence on the Paelignian variety reflected in this text. Such a hypothesis should occasion no surprise, as the language of ST Pg 9 clearly shares other phonological features with Umbrian and/or South Picene. Furthermore, if we suppose that these two long polysyllables have received a secondary accent on their first syllables due to the analogy of most nouns (which have initial accents), then the resulting distribution of word accents in the inscription ST Pg 9 allows us to identify the metrical structure of the text and to detect a strophic organisation. We also define the "principle of collision" according to which only one of two consecutive stressed syllables can be ictic. Finally, we provide an etymological discussion of some of the more recalcitrant words: clisuist, lifar, firata (and ecuc). Moreover, a new segmentation of the final portion of the second line of the famous duenos inscription, oites / iai / paca / riuois, in which the word iai (to be compared to the first part of the Umbrian adverb iepi < *iyāi-kwid) was realized as a dissyllabic sequence, has led us to establish the poetic nature of the text and to uncover its strophic organisation. The accentual (rather than the quantitative) approach works well for the Archaic Latin duenos inscription (and for the Paelignian documents), but it remains an open question how best to interpret the rhythmic nature (quantitative or accentual?) of the so-called "Saturnian" verse found in epic texts and in dedicatory or funerary inscriptions written in Republican Latin.
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[3] de Melo, W. D. C. (2014). The Latin Saturnian revisited. Kratylos, 59, 53–81.
[4] Dubois, L. (1989). Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Sicile. Contribution à l'étude du vocabulaire grec colonial. Rome: École Française de Rome.
[5] Eichner, H. (1988–1990). Reklameiamben aus Roms Königszeit. Die Sprache, 34, 207–238.
[6] Flobert, P. (1985). Varron. La langue latine (Tome II, Livre VI). Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
[7] Fortson, B. (2012). Latin -rier and its Indo-Iranian congeners. Indogermanische Forschungen, 117, 75–118. | DOI 10.1515/indo.2012.117.2012.75
[8] Janse, M. (2000). Convergence and divergence in the development of the Greek and Latin clitic pronouns. In R. Sornicola, E. Poppe, & A. Shisha-Halevy (Eds.), Stability, Variation and Change of Word-Order Patterns over Time (pp. 231–258). Amsterdam – Philadelphia: Benjamins.
[9] Kölligan, D. (2010). Armenisch lsem 'hören'. International Journal of Diachronic Linguistics and Linguistic Reconstruction, 7, 121–126.
[10] Korn, A. (1998). Metrik und metrische Techniken im Rgveda. Graz: Leykam.
[11] Kruschwitz, P. (2002). Carmina Saturnia Epigraphica. Einleitung, Text und Kommentar zu den saturnischen Versinschriften. Stuttgart: Steiner.
[12] Machajdíková, B., & Martzloff, V. (2016). Le pronom indéfini osque pitpit "quicquid" de Paul Diacre à Jacob Balde: morphosyntaxe comparée des paradigmes *kwi- kwi- du latin et du sabellique. Graeco-Latina Brunensia, 21(1), 73–118. | DOI 10.5817/GLB2016-1-5
[13] Martzloff, V. (2011). Les marques casuelles dans les documents paléo‑sabelliques et la morphologie du génitif pluriel sud-picénien. In M. Fruyt, M. Mazoyer, & D. Pardee (Eds.), Grammatical Case in the Languages of the Middle East and Europe (pp. 189–215). Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago.
[14] Martzloff, V. (2012). Sens et registre de l'adverbe latin obiter à la lumière d'un correspondant sabellique. In F. Biville, M.-K. Lhommé, & D. Vallat (Eds.), Latin vulgaire – Latin tardif IX, Actes du IXe colloque international sur le latin vulgaire et tardif, Lyon, 2–6 septembre 2009 (pp. 609–618). Lyon: Maison de l'Orient et de la Méditerranée – Jean Pouilloux.
[15] Martzloff, V. (2013). Die südpikenischen Namen zwischen Onomastik und Wortschatz. In J. L. García Ramón, D. Kölligan, P. Poccetti, & L. Wolberg (Eds.), Sprachkontakt und Kulturkontakt im alten Italien (pp. 139–156). Roma – Pisa: Fabrizio Serra.
[16] Martzloff, V. (2014a). Nouveaux regards sur l'inscription nord-osque de Herentas (Ve 213: ST Pg 9). Contribution à l'étude du lexique pélignien et italique. Wékwos, 1, 131–184.
[17] Martzloff, V. (2014b). Angelo Mercado, Italic Verse (Rev.). Wékwos, 1, 234–242.
[18] Martzloff, V. (2015). La plus ancienne composition poétique à Rome. L'inscription latine archaïque du duenos (CIL I2 4). Revue des Études Latines, 93, 69–106.
[19] Meiser, G. (1986). Lautgeschichte der umbrischen Sprache. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft.
[20] Mercado, A. (2012). Italic Verse. A Study of the Poetic Remains of Old Latin, Faliscan, and Sabellic. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft.
[21] Mercado, A. (2016). Rhythm and Structure in Umbrian Prayer. In A. Ancillotti, A. Calderini, & R. Massarelli (Eds.), Forme e strutture della religione nell'Italia mediana antica. Forms and Structures of Religion in Ancient Central Italy. III Convegno Internazionale dell'Istituto di Ricerche e Documentazione sugli Antichi Umbri, 21–25 settembre 2011 (Perugia, Gubbio) (pp. 543–554). Roma: L'Erma di Bretschneider.
[22] Nishimura, K. (2014). On Accent in the Italic Languages: Nature, Position, and History. Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis, 131, 161–192.
[23] Nishimura, K. (2016). On syncope of u-vocalism in Sabellic. Indogermanische Forschungen, 121(1), 199–211. | DOI 10.1515/if-2016-0012
[24] Poccetti, P. (1982). Elementi culturali negli epitafi poetici peligni III: La struttura metrica. ΑΙΩΝ, Annali del Seminario di Studi del Mondo Classico, Sezione linguistica, 4, 213–236.
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[26] Poccetti, P. (2012). Une nouvelle signature latine de l'époque républicaine et l'inscription de la Cista Ficoroni. Revue des Études Latines, 90, 40–55.
[27] Probert, P. (2002). On the prosody of Latin enclitics. Oxford University Working Papers in Linguistics, Philology and Phonetics, 7, 181–206.
[28] Rix, H. (1994). Südpikenisch kduíú. Historische Sprachforschung, 107, 105–122.
[29] Rix, H. (2002). Sabellische Texte. Die Texte des Oskischen, Umbrischen und Südpikenischen. Heidelberg: Winter.
[30] Steinbauer, D. H. (1989). Etymologische Untersuchungen zu den bei Plautus belegten Verben der lateinischen ersten Konjugation. Altendorf b. Bamberg: Gräbner.
[31] Urbanová, D., & Blažek, V. (2008). Národy starověké Itálie, jejich jazyky a písma. Brno: Host.
[32] Vetter, E. (1953). Handbuch der italischen Dialekte. Heidelberg: Winter.
[33] Vine, B. (1977). On the heptasyllabic verses of the Rig-Veda. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung, 91, 246–255.
[34] Vine, B. (1993). Studies in Archaic Latin Inscriptions. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft.
[35] Vine, B. (2012). Forschungsbericht. Lateinische Etymologie. Kratylos, 57, 1–40.
[36] Vine, B. (2015). Umbrian avieka- 'auspicā-' (and remarks on Italic augural phraseology). In J. L. García Ramón, D. Kölligan, & L. Wolberg (Eds.), Strategies of Translation: Language Contact and Poetic Language. Akten des Workshops Köln, 17.–18. Dezember 2010 (pp. 139–155). Pisa – Roma: Fabrizio Serra.
[37] von Planta, R. (1897). Grammatik der oskisch-umbrischen Dialekte, Zweiter Band, Formenlehre, Syntax, Sammlung der Inschriften und Glossen, Anhang, Glossar. Strassburg: Trübner.
[38] Wallace, R. E. (2007). The Sabellic Languages of Ancient Italy. München: Lincom Europa.
[39] Watkins, C. (1995). How to Kill a Dragon, Aspects of Indo-European Poetics. New York – Oxford: Oxford University Press.
[40] Weiss, M. (1998). On Some Problems of Final Syllables in South Picene. In J. H. Jasanoff, H. C. Melchert, & L. Oliver (Eds.), Mír Curad. Studies in Honor of Calvert Watkins (pp. 703–715). Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft.
[41] Weiss, M. (2010). Language and Ritual in Sabellic Italy. Leiden – Boston: Brill.